For his first election campaign in 1996, Benjamin Netanyahu enlisted the help of Arthur Finkelstein, the Republican strategist behind many victorious U.S. campaigns. Finkelstein’s influence would radically change Israeli politics, introducing aggressive personal attacks and sensational campaign ads.
This partnership exemplifies the close ties between Netanyahu and the U.S. Republican Party, along with his deep mistrust of the Democrats. So much so, that Alon Pinkas, former Israeli consul in New York, once dubbed him “Jerusalem’s MAGA Senator.” Netanyahu favored Mitt Romney over Obama in 2012, spoke behind Obama’s back to a Republican-controlled Congress in 2015 to oppose the Iran nuclear deal (already back then!), and openly played Trump against Biden and then Harris in the 2024 election.
This alignment undermines the longstanding bipartisan support for the State of Israel—a strategic asset Israel has skillfully leveraged for decades. When President George H. W. Bush threatened to cut aid in 1991, both Shamir and Rabin could rely on the Democrats. Conversely, the Republican Party stood up to Obama and Biden when they put pressure on Israel. Carefully balancing both parties had long allowed Israel to avoid being politicized and to maintain broad public support—until Netanyahu shifted course. Other factors also contributed, such as the rise of a more progressive wing within the Democratic Party that is more sympathetic to the Palestinian cause, and a growing isolationist trend within the GOP.
Though Trump offered unwavering support against Iran, the State of Israel is now unpopular with a majority of American voters—not only among Democrats, but also among Republicans under the age of 30. Beyond his policies, Netanyahu is personally disliked by many Democratic lawmakers, even centrists and staunch supporters of Israel like Representative Ritchie Torres. That said, most of them still back Israel in the current war and supported the American strike against Iran, despite constitutional concerns over Trump’s unilateral decision without Congressional approval.
While the isolationist “America First” doctrine seems, for now, to be sidelined regarding Iran, it could still shape Trump’s approach to other matters—such as the renewal of U.S. military aid to Israel. Even the most pro-Israel Republican senators might hesitate to challenge Trump’s decisions. Considering how casually Trump appeared to link U.S. aid to Israel with dropping legal proceedings against Netanyahu, it becomes clear how fragile that aid might be—dependent on the whims of a man known for his erratic and unpredictable behavior. While such a disastrous scenario for Israel may seem unlikely today, it cannot be ruled out entirely. In that case, Democratic support would become crucial.
Buoyed by the successful war against Iran and the seamless cooperation between Israel and the U.S., Netanyahu could—and should—seize this favorable moment to rebuild ties with the Democratic Party and reinforce one of the pillars of Israel’s strategic strength: bipartisan support in Washington and among the American public. Unfortunately, his total alignment with Trump and dependence on a U.S. president who demands absolute personal loyalty—and who conflates his own interests with those of the United States—makes this scenario sadly improbable. It once again highlights how, in the Israeli prime minister’s worldview, Netanyahu’s personal interests often take precedence over those of the State of Israel.
Sebastien Levi
